research paper on student motivation
Introduction
Community colleges play a vital role in higher education in the United States. Over sixty percent of all first- and second-year students, many from lower socio-economic backgrounds, who attend postsecondary institutions, are enrolled at over 1200 community colleges around the country (Cohen & Brawer, 2003). The community college is an attractive option for underrepresented students because of its open-access admission policy, relative affordability compared with four-year public and private colleges and universities, and the myriad of academic and vocational programs it offers. Furthermore, community colleges respond to the needs of underrepresented students by providing assistance programs and services such as financial aid, disable student services, Temporary Assistance for Needy Family (TANF) program, and transfer and career placement centers. In essence, the community college, with its academic, vocational, and assistance programs and services, afford underrepresented students the opportunity of a postsecondary education to enhance their social mobility.
The inception of the community college occurred with the passing of the first Morrill Act in 1862, which allowed states to set up land grant institutions that offered courses not available at institutions of higher education during the nineteenth century; mainly in the areas of agriculture and mechanics (The Morrill Act, 1862). A century later, as access to community colleges expanded and the demand for an educated and trained workforce increased, so did the need for the community college to offer vocational programs that reflect and accommodate the needs of a diverse population.
The federal government, under the Vocational Education Act of 1963, allocated millions of dollars toward vocational training and re-training for underrepresented students. However, the need for large enrollments, the high cost of maintaining vocational programs, and the transition of turning community colleges into a “manual-training shop” rather than an academically viable two-year institution raised questions as to the feasibility of implementing vocational education at community colleges (Cohen & Brawer, 2003). Nevertheless, with the demands and needs of students over the next four decades, vocational education would become an integral part of the American community college system.
This study explored the motivational influences of female, African-American students who are currently enrolled in a vocational program at their local community college. I wanted to identify the reasons or factors that motivated these students to enter into their vocational programs. The questions I sought to answer were: What motivated these students to enter into their vocational program? How did their past experiences influence their decision? How did their family, friends, or others influence them towards this profession? Did their vocational program influence or alter their aspirations? What have their experiences in the program been like?
As a Program Assistant in the Financial Aid Office at Los Angeles Trade Technical College (Trade Tech), I have noticed on occasions, students exploiting the use of their financial aid award. This observation, coupled with Cohen and Brawer’s (2003) assertion that there is a persistent problem with student abuse of the financial aid system (another form of welfare) within the community college level, piqued my interest as to why students decide to enter into vocational programs at two-year colleges. I wanted to determine if the motivation behind these students entering into their vocational programs is because: 1) they are required by the State under the TANF program to obtain necessary skills to enter into the workforce, 2) they want to acquire money in the form of financial aid, and/or 3) seek to obtain the necessary skills to become successful in their respective careers.
In this research paper, I will review literature available on the various theories behind student motivation, especially those of African-American students. The literature review will provide historical and current arguments on the motivational theories which explain why students chose to matriculate into their respective fields or vocations. Next, I will discuss my research design, data collection methods, and data analysis. The findings will show that the students I interviewed are genuinely motivated to become successful in their field of study; with a number of them seeing their vocational program as a foundation for higher aspirations. In the analysis section, I will indicate how I developed my conclusions and will offer a number of recommendations on how to further assist these underrepresented students.
This study is important for higher education because it provides insight into why many underrepresented students are motivated to matriculate into vocational programs rather than academic ones. With financial aid abuse being such a prevalent problem within the community college system, it is important to understand how the motivation to succeed with these students differs from those of their peers. Lastly, the results of this study can offer policy implications to increase resources that can and will enhance their educational experience.
Review of Literature
Motivation in simple terms is defined as the drive to perform a certain task or set of tasks. However, the concept of motivation is difficult to identify because it can be applied towards many partly overlapping theoretical constructs (Martens & Kirschner, 2004). For example, on the one hand, motivation can be characterized as a relatively stable personality trait (Sheldon, Ryan, & Reis, 1996), while on the other hand, it can be seen to vary between different situations (Boekaerts & Minnaert, 2003). In Self-Determination Theory (SDT), a concept that focuses on the volitional or self-determined levels of certain humanistic behaviors, motivation can be dichotomized into two basic types: intrinsic and extrinsic (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
Intrinsic motivation is defined as performing something because it is inherently interesting or enjoyable, while extrinsic motivation refers to performing a task because it leads to a separable outcome (Deci & Ryan, 2000b). Intrinsic motivation is an important factor to the understanding of how humans are able to inherently develop cognitive, social, and physical knowledge during the early stages of life. The exploratory, playful, and curiosity-driven behaviors of infants are good examples of intrinsic motivation since these spontaneous behaviors are performed in the absence of reinforcement or reward. Rather, these behaviors are done for the positive experiences associated with exercising and increasing ones capacities (Deci & Ryan, 2000b).
However, as humans mature, a shift occurs between intrinsic motivation to extrinsic motivation based on the individual’s need to meet social demands and responsibilities that that require him or her to perform tasks that is not intrinsically interesting (Deci & Ryan, 2000a). Self-determination theory proposes that under the spectrum of human motivation, there are four regulations of extrinsic motivation that are based on the levels of autonomy: external, introjection , identification, and integration (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
External regulation is the least autonomous form of extrinsic motivation and is seen as performing a task to fulfill an external demand or reward. Introjection describes the need to perform a task in order to enhance or maintain self-esteem and the feeling of worth. Identification is defined as having acquired the knowledge that a task has personal importance and therefore, accepts it as his or her own. Lastly, integrated regulation is the most autonomous form of extrinsic motivation and occurs when the task is fully assimilated to the self (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
Understanding the concepts of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is necessary when seeking answers to what motivates students to learn. In the past two decades, there has been a renewed interest in how motivation relates to student learning. While most researchers acknowledge that motivation is crucial to learning, evidence for linking instructional strategies, motivational processes, and learning outcomes is still in its infancy (Martens & Kirschner, 2004). Yet, findings in a number of studies have showed that identification and integrated regulations (more autonomous extrinsic motivation) have profound affects on student engagement, better learning performance, higher retention, and higher quality learning (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
A better concept of student motivation can be attained through one of the four theories that are prominent in contemporary educational psychology: self-worth of achievement theory. Self-worth of achievement theory focuses on explaining the motivation behind students’ attempts to maintain or enhance self-worth (Seifert, 2004). Since there is a belief in Western culture that the worth of an individual is related to his or her ability to perform well at any given task, students who earn higher grades are deemed more worthy than those who do not (Covington, 1984). Based on this theory, students who are not capable of producing good grades are less motivated to learn because they would rather feel guilty by not working than to feel shamed by working hard and failing (Seifert, 2004).
In his examination on achievement motivation research, Castenell (1984) stated that achievement motivation is a universal phenomenon that is based on the circumstances or situations under which such achievement behavior will occur. For example, many African-American families expect their children to do well academically. However, due to the families’ history with the school system as well as the school’s modest expectation of their children’s success, a situation occurs where African-American children are not likely to channel all their resources into educational achievement (Castenell, 1984).
Research has showed that African-Americans perceive achievement differently than Caucasians. First, Caucasians recognize the need to achieve only in the area of school success, while African-Americans view the importance of achieving success with their peers, family, and school (Castenell, 1984). Studies have found that better educated African-American parents tend to influence their children’s decision to attend college and that African-American students are more likely to attend college based on personal influences (Harris, 1970). Second, in their study, Smith and Abramson (1962) found that African-American students have higher educational and vocational aspirations, but Caucasians have a more achievement-oriented value system (Smith & Abramson, 1962).
Although this research study is limited by the number of participants and the time frame, its findings will demonstrate the important role that peers, family, and school (environment) plays in the motivation of African-American vocational students. All of the students interviewed were motivated to enroll in their vocational program based on personal influence; whether it is by a mentor, a parent, or a peer. In addition, this study will show how these African-American vocational students are more incline to have high educational and vocational aspirations. Nevertheless, many more studies will be needed to learn what drives the motivation of underrepresented students in vocational programs.
Research Design
The study was conducted at Los Angeles Trade Technical College (Trade Tech), the oldest of the nine community colleges under the auspices of the Los Angeles Community College District (LACCD). Founded in 1925 as the Frank Wiggins Trade School, the campus is situated two miles south of the Central Business District in downtown Los Angeles and comprised of 12-major buildings and nearly 800,000 gross square feet. This site was selected for my research study because of its reputation for and commitment to offering strong vocational programs (nearly 90 areas of study) for the Los Angeles community. The school is accredited by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC) and fully approved under the regulations of the California State Department of Education. Furthermore, my recent employment at the college provided me with access to students, administrators, and staff members I otherwise would not have at other community colleges.
I decided to focus my research project on female, African-American students enrolled in the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. I sought to study students enrolled in cosmetology because of its intensive nature and the high commitment levels needed for students to complete the program. The program is four semesters long and includes a state mandated, 1600-hour lab work requirement. In a given semester, the department matriculates over 200 students and encourages them to participate in various out-of-class events such as industry trade shows and competitions. Furthermore, students seeking a professional cosmetology license must pass the state board examination upon graduation.
I made contact with my five research subjects via my informant, Ms. Smith, a cosmetology instructor at Trade Tech, whom I met through a referral from the Cosmetology Department. Spradley (1979) acknowledges that although there could be problems with an informant who is too acculturated within the society that is being studied, he also addressed the need for an ethnographer to “[want] to interview people who have expert knowledge, informants who have a first-hand, current involvement in the cultural scene” (p. 49). Through my interviews with her, I was able to obtain a greater understanding the program and its students. In addition, Ms. Smith also referred me to five of her students who I contacted and interviewed for my research project.
Kim, a twenty-year-old native Chicagoan, came to Los Angeles when she was two years old. She started the program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the spring of 2006. Single, with no children, Kim is earning a 3.30 grade point average (GPA). Before starting this program, Kim spent a year and a half at Santa Monica City College studying Business Law but realized that she was more interested in cosmetology and working in the entertainment industry. She previously applied for financial aid, however, due to some documentation issues, have not received any award checks since attending Trade Tech.
Tina is a twenty-three-year-old student who is single with no children. She started the Cosmetology program in the fall of 2000 but dropped out after one semester due to conflicts with other students. Instead, she took one semester of General Education courses, but did not persist to obtain her Associates of Arts (AA) degree. For the next several years, Tina was employed in various occupations, most recently as a hospitality hostess at Universal Studios. In the fall of 2005, she returned to the Cosmetology program and currently has a 1.50 GPA, which makes her ineligible for financial aid.
Mary, a nineteen-year-old, single student with no children is originally from San Diego. She moved numerous times during her adolescent years including places in Riverside and Orange County. After graduating from high school, Mary enrolled in Southwestern College in San Diego and took several General Education courses but did not obtain her AA degree. However, she admits that she would like to finish her General Education requirements and obtain a certificate in Business. Mary enrolled in the Cosmetology program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the spring of 2006. Mary is averaging a 3.50 GPA and is on financial aid.
Sheri, a twenty-three-year-old, single student with no children started the Cosmetology program in the spring of 2005. During her adolescence, Sheri commuted between Redondo Beach and Los Angeles during the week and weekends, respectively, to spend time with each of her parents. Before starting this program, she attended El Camino Community College initially to study Child Development but later changed her major to Business Communications. She aspires to complete her AA degree after graduating from Cosmetology in the fall. Mary has a 2.33 GPA and is currently on financial aid.
Christy is a thirty-one-year-old, single student with one child. She started this program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the fall of 2006. Before enrolling in the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech, Christy earned a BA degree in Communicative Disorders from California State University, Fullerton and worked as a speech therapist for several years. She decided to switch careers because of her interests in cosmetology and wanting to own her own business in the future. Christy is currently averaging a 3.50 GPA and because she has a BA degree, she is ineligible for financial aid. However, she is in the TANF program at Trade Tech.
Data Collection
The primary method of data collection for this research study was in-depth, open-ended qualitative interviews. According to Fetterman (1988), interviews are considered important data gathering technique because it “explain and put into a larger context what the ethnographer sees and experiences” (p. 37). Before each interview, I employed a demographic questionnaire to each of the participants as a method to obtain information on their background and to better direct the qualitative interviews. Although questionnaires are the most formal and rigid form of exchange, they do provide an excellent method to undertake questions dealing with representativeness (Fetterman, 1998).
As a result of the busy schedules of the participants, the interviews ranged from between thirty minutes to one hour long within a two month time frame. All interviews were held in classrooms located on the research site to ensure a comfortable and open environment for the participants. Further facilitating these interviews, I met with the participants shortly after their classes during the week. During the initial phase of the interview, I asked the participants about how their classes were to develop rapport. In the subsequent phases of the interview, I asked more specific questions to determine their motivation on matriculating through the Cosmetology program, their personal experiences (life histories) and familial backgrounds, and the overall environment of the program and how it affects their motivation to achieve.
All five interviews were recorded on a digital recorder which allowed me to engage in lengthy informal and semistructured interviews and effectively capture long verbatim quotations that are essential to good fieldwork (Fetterman, 1998). However, conducting an interview with a digital recorder did not provide me with the “visual aspects of the situation, neither the setting nor the facial and bodily expressions of the participants” (Kvale, 1996). Instead, I documented the aspects of and pertinent information from the interviews by taking numerous notes with a pen and paper. After these interviews, I contacted the participants through electronic mail and/or via telephone calls to address missing data or questions I had regarding the information they provided during the interviews.
The methodology I used for data analysis consisted of transcribing and coding the qualitative interviews and using a spreadsheet program (MS Excel) to record the information I obtained through the demographic questionnaire. It is important that I transcribed the interviews personally so that I am aware of the many decisions involved in transforming oral speech—an expression close to the human life world, to written texts—an objectively distanced form of thought and expression (Kvale, 1996). After the transcription, I coded the data in order to derive categories which were developed into the three themes discussed in the section below. Coding enabled me to expeditiously locate excerpts from all my interviews that referred to the same theme or concept and then examined them together (Rubin & Rubin, 2005).
The final phase of data analysis was to ensure that my themes were valid through the triangulation of my data. Triangulation is the process of testing one source of information against another to strip away alternative explanations and prove a hypothesis (Fetterman, 1998). As stated above, my interactions with these students were limited due to their busy schedules, thus I was unable to form a focus group to valid my data. Instead, I used two other methods to test the validity of the data: observation and secondary source interviews. During the two month time frame of this study, I observed my participants a total of five times, in thirty-minute increments, which enabled me to make adequate observations on their interactions inside and outside of the classroom (Fetterman, 1998). Lastly, I interviewed my informant, Ms. Smith and a student affairs administrator to provide me with an insider’s view of the program’s overall environment.
This research study on female, African-American vocational students stems from my interests of underrepresented students in higher education. There is very little current literature on the motivation of African-American students in vocational programs which inspired me to partake on this topic for my research study. During my interviews, I found the participants to be very open and willing to share with me their thoughts and experiences. Several of them were especially interested in my research and wanted to know more about it. I believed the fact that I was Chinese-American, and thus not part of the dominant culture, helped me to develop a rapport with my participants.
Findings
Personal Motivation: “Enjoying What I Do”
All five African-American students in this research study were in their third semester of the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. Inquiries about the reasons to pursue a vocational degree in cosmetology indicated a link between genuine personal interest and enrollment into the program. Since all of the participants had previous academic education experiences—with one earning a BA degree, it is not surprising that their motivation to enter into a vocational program was a personal one.
One common denominator for all of the participants was that they started braiding hair during their adolescent years. When I asked Mary what initiated her interests in braiding hair, she stated,
When I was in junior high [school], I had met a friend who knew how to braid, so I started braiding. I started getting into those kinds of things when I was fourteen. I braided for years and years, but now, I don’t really braid too much. But back then, I braided a lot because I really enjoyed doing it.
Their inherent enjoyment in braiding hair was one of the reasons why they decided to pursue a career in cosmetology at Trade Tech.
However, for Kim, Mary, Christy, and Sheri, the road to Trade Tech was preceded with an academic stop at other community colleges where they participated in various areas of study. Inversely, Tina started the Cosmetology program first and after dropping out the following semester, started taking general education courses at Trade Tech. Kim mentioned that she enrolled at Santa Monica City College because she “was more forced into it. People would look at me better if I went to school for something acceptable to society.” Mary added that she went to Southwestern College because “when I first got out of high school, I just wanted to go to college because I didn’t want to just sit around and be lazy.”
After a period of time, each of the participants realized that they were dissatisfied with the life path that they were on. Kim reflected on how she took two semesters off from college to find out who she really was. They wanted to accomplish something with their lives but also wanted to enjoy what they were doing. These two factors motivated them to return to what they loved doing during their youth, braiding hair. Sheri described it this way,
When I started coming [to Trade Tech], I was like, ‘Ooh, I like this feeling.’ Like this feels good. Okay, I can see myself doing this. I’m not a lazy person, so I can stand on my feel for twelve hours. I like doing hair so I’m not going to get tired of it. I know that this is a business and not a playground. So I try to keep that balance and then once I started getting the hang of it, I was like, ‘Yeah, this is really what I wanted to do.’
Tina, who worked as a hospitality hostess at Universal Studios, mentioned that she “didn’t really like the job too much, but I kept it through four or five months. And after that I decided to come back to school because I like doing hair.”
High Aspirations
When I asked the participants about their aspirations after graduating, all of them responded with wanting to become business owners and in one way or another, giving back to their communities. When I asked Tina what she was going to do after she finishes the program, she answered without hesitation, “I want to own my own business. I want to own my own salon. That’s what I really want to do.” Kim, who aspires to be a world renowned cosmetologist, furthered the idea of owning her own business,
One day, I’ll open up my own salon, like a chain of salons. Not just your average Mom and Pop’s salon, but your whole day spa, you know, that has everything. A salon that has more, you know, the best of the best.
Several of the participants also mentioned the desire to come back to Trade Tech as an instructor after gaining practical experiences in the field. Christy acknowledged that within the past six months, she has developed an attraction to pedagogy. “If I’m also educating people about their hair, I might as well educate the people doing their hair. I want to teach and work with the students on what they should know.” Along the same line, Mary wanted to “teach young girls how to be themselves and not having to hide behind the makeup and hairstyles.”
Interpersonal Motivation: “You’re Really, Really Good”
All of the participants discussed how someone in their lives, whether they are a parent, a friend, or a mentor, played an instrumental role in motivating them to enter into the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. Having these influential individuals does not necessarily weaken the discussion of personal motivation addressed in the previous section. Rather, the interactions between the participants and these individuals affirmed each of the participants’ belief that they can succeed as makeup artists or hairstylists. Furthermore, a number of the participants stated that they needed the encouragement provided by these individuals to achieve their goals..
Two of the participants in the study attributed their enrollment in the program to their parents. Tina explained that because her mother was a college graduate, she expected the same thing for her daughter.
I chose to do cosmetology and my mom really inspired me to come to college so I can have a trade, so I won’t be going from job to job, because nowadays, if you don’t have a degree or a certificate, you can’t get a job since they don’t like people without a degree.
For Sheri, her father’s ultimatum for her to either enroll in school or to find work motivated her into doing both. “My dad really, really, really forced me to focus. So I started working, doing hair to make some extra money and started coming to Trade Tech to learn my trade.”
For other participants, it was not the parents who motivated them, but another family member, a peer, or a mentor who provided the inspiration for the individual to move forward. Mary, who acknowledged her aunt as the person who motivated her to go to Trade Tech stated, “I was staying with my aunt at the time and she told me that I was good at what I do so I should go to school for it. I thought about it like, ‘Well, maybe I can.’.” Christy mentioned how her friend motivated her to enroll in the Cosmetology program by inviting her to a student hairstylist competition.
I went to a hair show to support a friend of mine. I wasn’t in the school yet, but I went because I was thinking about it and I was looking for a school to go to. So I went to this hair show and there was a student competition and the girl that won came from [Trade Tech]. My friend came in second place, but I was like, ‘Oh, yeah, I’m going to Trade Tech now.’
For Kim, a mentor helped her recognize her potential which motivated her to pursue her cosmetology license. “[The mentor] said, ‘You know Kim, you should really think about doing hair and makeup professionally because you’re really good at it. You should really, really think about it.’”
Environmental Motivation: “Learning to Built a Thick Skin”
The participants also addressed how the environment within the Cosmetology program helped motivate them to focus on achieving their goals. All of them mentioned the positive influences the program’s instructors had on their ability to learn. This is especially crucial because every participant I interviewed mentioned that at one point during their matriculation, they had considered dropping out of the program due to the difficulties enveloping the program. One student affairs administrator disclosed to me that fights and arguments between female students are constant problems in the program. However, through all the problems in the program, some of the participants were able to utilize it as motivation to succeed.
According to all the participants, the instructors in the Cosmetology program are not only a resource for learning the trade, but also a source of support. They genuinely feel that the instructors care about them and thus, go out of the way to help them succeed. Mary explained to me how she was able to approach one instructor with a problem she had.
The teachers are very supportive. They’ll help you with anything and everything. Like there’s a hair show that’s coming up and we’re going to be in it. But it’s only going to be me and another student but we couldn’t afford to go. We went to Ms. Smith and told her about it and she’s like, ‘Okay, we’re going to see how to raise some money for you guys to get on a plane and get the rooms.’ Just stuff like that.
Kim was about to drop out of the program when an instructor sat her down and told her, “You know this is just an obstacle. If you go through life quitting, you’re not going to get anywhere just because somebody made you upset. You have to build a thick skin.” The participants agreed that although the instructors are tough, they realized that this was a reason why they are such great teachers.
The negative environment surrounding the program enabled some of the participants to gain motivation toward achieving their goals. Sheri described how many of the female students in the program act like the world is against them, but for her, she remains positive because her goal is to attain her license. “Everything is going to be a task. Nothing is going to fall into your hands. But I was blessed with a talent so I’m going to use that to better myself and that’s kind of my motivation here.” Christy stressed a more pervasive problem regarding the program and how she is able to deal with it.
There is a big gang influence here and it’s so easy to get caught up in some mess and that can get you kicked out. I know people who have gotten, you know, kicked out even before I came here because of some silliness. So maybe it’s the maturity level amongst the students, maybe it’s the gang thing, but that part of it can be a bit irritating and I would rather go sit in my corner somewhere and do what I’ve got to do instead of, you know, worrying about what other people are doing.
The ability of the participants to overcome the distractions of the Cosmetology program enabled them to better motivate themselves to attain success.
Analysis
The findings in the previous section suggested that these female, African-American vocational students were motivated by: 1) their interests in and enjoyment from studying cosmetology, 2) the encouragement provided by someone close to them, and 3) the support from instructors and the difficult environment surrounding the program—not by state regulations (TANF) or by money from financial aid. In fact, the two participants who are currently on financial aid admitted to spending the money on supplies and textbooks. Tina lamented the fact that a set of textbooks she needs next semester will cost her over three hundred dollars. “All our supplies are different. Cosmetology is an expensive trade to pick up. And financial aid, they give us that money, and I go out and I’d buy everything.” Christy, who is currently in the TANF program, is disappointed that she has to meet its requirements when she is “just choosing to be a student and get [her] license to work in a different field.” Thus, for my participants, their motivation to achieve was influenced by personal, interpersonal, and environmental factors.
The notion that the participants are solely motivated to obtain a cosmetology license in hopes of gaining employment is questionable. Many of them have plans to return to school for a business degree so that one day, they can own their own businesses. Sheri stated that, “when I own my business, I can pass it down to my family. So not only am I providing myself with a future, but I’m setting up a future for my children and their children.” For Kim, the goal of traveling around the world as a renowned makeup and hair stylist is not far away as she recently won first prize in a competition sponsored by an industry leader. It is apparent that the participants have set high aspirations for themselves and see the Cosmetology program as a stepping stone towards achieving them.
The experiences of the participants confirmed the concepts that were cited in the literature review. For instance, when the participants described how they started braiding hair as an adolescent, they attributed positive feedback from others as a source of motivation to enter into the field. This is congruent with Seifert (2004) assertion that the increase of self-worthiness leads to the increase in motivation to perform. Harris (1970) asserted that African-American students are more likely to attend college based on personal influences, which is confirmed by the participants’ accounts of family members, peers, and mentors encouraging them to enter into the Cosmetology program.
The four regulations of extrinsic motivation based on the Self-Determination Theory proposed by Deci and Ryan (2000a) are also confirmed by the study’s findings. Participants who attended community colleges before entering into their current vocational program experienced the introjection level of extrinsic motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2000a), which depicts the concept of performing a task (going to college) in order to enhance or maintain self-esteem and worthiness. Given that introjection is a semiautonomous level of extrinsic motivation, it is not surprising that all of them dropped out and turned to cosmetology as a career. Once the participants entered into the field they enjoyed, they entered into the integration level of extrinsic motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2000a), which denotes that the task has fully integrated onto the self.
Conclusion
This study explored the motivation of female, African-American students in the Cosmetology program at Los Angeles Trade Technical College. I sought to learn what factors motivated these students to enter into vocational education. Were these students mandated by state policy (TANF) to acquire the necessary skills to enter the workforce? Did they enter the vocational program because the wanted the money from financial aid? Or was it that they were genuinely motivated to succeed in their field of study? Findings showed that these students were motivated by personal, interpersonal, and environmental factors to achieve their goals. The motivation to achieve success in cosmetology developed from integrating the task to the self (Desi & Ryan, 2000a), or simply put, they enjoyed their field of study and see it as a stepping stone to success. Along the way to achieving this success, they were influenced by family members, peers, and/or mentors who encouraged them to enter into the field. Lastly, the support of their instructors and the difficulties surrounding the program increased their motivation to accomplish their goals.
Two policy implications were derived from the findings and data analysis sections of this study. One, more funding is needed for students who struggle to acquire the necessary supplies and textbooks needed for their classes. Even with assistance from financial aid, a number of participants bemoaned the fact that it is not enough to cover all of the materials needed for the entire program. Two, outreach programs are needed to encourage more male students to enroll in the Cosmetology program. Too often, altercations between female students cast the program in a bad light. A diversified program would lessen the tension between female students and provide a great environment that is conducive to learning.
There were certain limitations to this study such as the small sample size (five participants) and the short time frame allotted for its completion. The experiences of the five students who participated in this study can not wholly depict the experiences of every female, African-American Cosmetology student matriculating at American community colleges. Instead, the experiences portrayed in this study provide a crucial first step to learning what motivates students in vocational program. Furthermore, I would recommend doing a longitudinal ethnographic study on female, African-American vocational students from their first semester in the program to their placement within the workforce. This would make a good study because it would allow researchers to explore the relationship between student motivation and student achievement outcomes.
Community colleges play a vital role in higher education in the United States. Over sixty percent of all first- and second-year students, many from lower socio-economic backgrounds, who attend postsecondary institutions, are enrolled at over 1200 community colleges around the country (Cohen & Brawer, 2003). The community college is an attractive option for underrepresented students because of its open-access admission policy, relative affordability compared with four-year public and private colleges and universities, and the myriad of academic and vocational programs it offers. Furthermore, community colleges respond to the needs of underrepresented students by providing assistance programs and services such as financial aid, disable student services, Temporary Assistance for Needy Family (TANF) program, and transfer and career placement centers. In essence, the community college, with its academic, vocational, and assistance programs and services, afford underrepresented students the opportunity of a postsecondary education to enhance their social mobility.
The inception of the community college occurred with the passing of the first Morrill Act in 1862, which allowed states to set up land grant institutions that offered courses not available at institutions of higher education during the nineteenth century; mainly in the areas of agriculture and mechanics (The Morrill Act, 1862). A century later, as access to community colleges expanded and the demand for an educated and trained workforce increased, so did the need for the community college to offer vocational programs that reflect and accommodate the needs of a diverse population.
The federal government, under the Vocational Education Act of 1963, allocated millions of dollars toward vocational training and re-training for underrepresented students. However, the need for large enrollments, the high cost of maintaining vocational programs, and the transition of turning community colleges into a “manual-training shop” rather than an academically viable two-year institution raised questions as to the feasibility of implementing vocational education at community colleges (Cohen & Brawer, 2003). Nevertheless, with the demands and needs of students over the next four decades, vocational education would become an integral part of the American community college system.
This study explored the motivational influences of female, African-American students who are currently enrolled in a vocational program at their local community college. I wanted to identify the reasons or factors that motivated these students to enter into their vocational programs. The questions I sought to answer were: What motivated these students to enter into their vocational program? How did their past experiences influence their decision? How did their family, friends, or others influence them towards this profession? Did their vocational program influence or alter their aspirations? What have their experiences in the program been like?
As a Program Assistant in the Financial Aid Office at Los Angeles Trade Technical College (Trade Tech), I have noticed on occasions, students exploiting the use of their financial aid award. This observation, coupled with Cohen and Brawer’s (2003) assertion that there is a persistent problem with student abuse of the financial aid system (another form of welfare) within the community college level, piqued my interest as to why students decide to enter into vocational programs at two-year colleges. I wanted to determine if the motivation behind these students entering into their vocational programs is because: 1) they are required by the State under the TANF program to obtain necessary skills to enter into the workforce, 2) they want to acquire money in the form of financial aid, and/or 3) seek to obtain the necessary skills to become successful in their respective careers.
In this research paper, I will review literature available on the various theories behind student motivation, especially those of African-American students. The literature review will provide historical and current arguments on the motivational theories which explain why students chose to matriculate into their respective fields or vocations. Next, I will discuss my research design, data collection methods, and data analysis. The findings will show that the students I interviewed are genuinely motivated to become successful in their field of study; with a number of them seeing their vocational program as a foundation for higher aspirations. In the analysis section, I will indicate how I developed my conclusions and will offer a number of recommendations on how to further assist these underrepresented students.
This study is important for higher education because it provides insight into why many underrepresented students are motivated to matriculate into vocational programs rather than academic ones. With financial aid abuse being such a prevalent problem within the community college system, it is important to understand how the motivation to succeed with these students differs from those of their peers. Lastly, the results of this study can offer policy implications to increase resources that can and will enhance their educational experience.
Review of Literature
Motivation in simple terms is defined as the drive to perform a certain task or set of tasks. However, the concept of motivation is difficult to identify because it can be applied towards many partly overlapping theoretical constructs (Martens & Kirschner, 2004). For example, on the one hand, motivation can be characterized as a relatively stable personality trait (Sheldon, Ryan, & Reis, 1996), while on the other hand, it can be seen to vary between different situations (Boekaerts & Minnaert, 2003). In Self-Determination Theory (SDT), a concept that focuses on the volitional or self-determined levels of certain humanistic behaviors, motivation can be dichotomized into two basic types: intrinsic and extrinsic (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
Intrinsic motivation is defined as performing something because it is inherently interesting or enjoyable, while extrinsic motivation refers to performing a task because it leads to a separable outcome (Deci & Ryan, 2000b). Intrinsic motivation is an important factor to the understanding of how humans are able to inherently develop cognitive, social, and physical knowledge during the early stages of life. The exploratory, playful, and curiosity-driven behaviors of infants are good examples of intrinsic motivation since these spontaneous behaviors are performed in the absence of reinforcement or reward. Rather, these behaviors are done for the positive experiences associated with exercising and increasing ones capacities (Deci & Ryan, 2000b).
However, as humans mature, a shift occurs between intrinsic motivation to extrinsic motivation based on the individual’s need to meet social demands and responsibilities that that require him or her to perform tasks that is not intrinsically interesting (Deci & Ryan, 2000a). Self-determination theory proposes that under the spectrum of human motivation, there are four regulations of extrinsic motivation that are based on the levels of autonomy: external, introjection , identification, and integration (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
External regulation is the least autonomous form of extrinsic motivation and is seen as performing a task to fulfill an external demand or reward. Introjection describes the need to perform a task in order to enhance or maintain self-esteem and the feeling of worth. Identification is defined as having acquired the knowledge that a task has personal importance and therefore, accepts it as his or her own. Lastly, integrated regulation is the most autonomous form of extrinsic motivation and occurs when the task is fully assimilated to the self (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
Understanding the concepts of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is necessary when seeking answers to what motivates students to learn. In the past two decades, there has been a renewed interest in how motivation relates to student learning. While most researchers acknowledge that motivation is crucial to learning, evidence for linking instructional strategies, motivational processes, and learning outcomes is still in its infancy (Martens & Kirschner, 2004). Yet, findings in a number of studies have showed that identification and integrated regulations (more autonomous extrinsic motivation) have profound affects on student engagement, better learning performance, higher retention, and higher quality learning (Deci & Ryan, 2000a).
A better concept of student motivation can be attained through one of the four theories that are prominent in contemporary educational psychology: self-worth of achievement theory. Self-worth of achievement theory focuses on explaining the motivation behind students’ attempts to maintain or enhance self-worth (Seifert, 2004). Since there is a belief in Western culture that the worth of an individual is related to his or her ability to perform well at any given task, students who earn higher grades are deemed more worthy than those who do not (Covington, 1984). Based on this theory, students who are not capable of producing good grades are less motivated to learn because they would rather feel guilty by not working than to feel shamed by working hard and failing (Seifert, 2004).
In his examination on achievement motivation research, Castenell (1984) stated that achievement motivation is a universal phenomenon that is based on the circumstances or situations under which such achievement behavior will occur. For example, many African-American families expect their children to do well academically. However, due to the families’ history with the school system as well as the school’s modest expectation of their children’s success, a situation occurs where African-American children are not likely to channel all their resources into educational achievement (Castenell, 1984).
Research has showed that African-Americans perceive achievement differently than Caucasians. First, Caucasians recognize the need to achieve only in the area of school success, while African-Americans view the importance of achieving success with their peers, family, and school (Castenell, 1984). Studies have found that better educated African-American parents tend to influence their children’s decision to attend college and that African-American students are more likely to attend college based on personal influences (Harris, 1970). Second, in their study, Smith and Abramson (1962) found that African-American students have higher educational and vocational aspirations, but Caucasians have a more achievement-oriented value system (Smith & Abramson, 1962).
Although this research study is limited by the number of participants and the time frame, its findings will demonstrate the important role that peers, family, and school (environment) plays in the motivation of African-American vocational students. All of the students interviewed were motivated to enroll in their vocational program based on personal influence; whether it is by a mentor, a parent, or a peer. In addition, this study will show how these African-American vocational students are more incline to have high educational and vocational aspirations. Nevertheless, many more studies will be needed to learn what drives the motivation of underrepresented students in vocational programs.
Research Design
The study was conducted at Los Angeles Trade Technical College (Trade Tech), the oldest of the nine community colleges under the auspices of the Los Angeles Community College District (LACCD). Founded in 1925 as the Frank Wiggins Trade School, the campus is situated two miles south of the Central Business District in downtown Los Angeles and comprised of 12-major buildings and nearly 800,000 gross square feet. This site was selected for my research study because of its reputation for and commitment to offering strong vocational programs (nearly 90 areas of study) for the Los Angeles community. The school is accredited by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC) and fully approved under the regulations of the California State Department of Education. Furthermore, my recent employment at the college provided me with access to students, administrators, and staff members I otherwise would not have at other community colleges.
I decided to focus my research project on female, African-American students enrolled in the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. I sought to study students enrolled in cosmetology because of its intensive nature and the high commitment levels needed for students to complete the program. The program is four semesters long and includes a state mandated, 1600-hour lab work requirement. In a given semester, the department matriculates over 200 students and encourages them to participate in various out-of-class events such as industry trade shows and competitions. Furthermore, students seeking a professional cosmetology license must pass the state board examination upon graduation.
I made contact with my five research subjects via my informant, Ms. Smith, a cosmetology instructor at Trade Tech, whom I met through a referral from the Cosmetology Department. Spradley (1979) acknowledges that although there could be problems with an informant who is too acculturated within the society that is being studied, he also addressed the need for an ethnographer to “[want] to interview people who have expert knowledge, informants who have a first-hand, current involvement in the cultural scene” (p. 49). Through my interviews with her, I was able to obtain a greater understanding the program and its students. In addition, Ms. Smith also referred me to five of her students who I contacted and interviewed for my research project.
Kim, a twenty-year-old native Chicagoan, came to Los Angeles when she was two years old. She started the program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the spring of 2006. Single, with no children, Kim is earning a 3.30 grade point average (GPA). Before starting this program, Kim spent a year and a half at Santa Monica City College studying Business Law but realized that she was more interested in cosmetology and working in the entertainment industry. She previously applied for financial aid, however, due to some documentation issues, have not received any award checks since attending Trade Tech.
Tina is a twenty-three-year-old student who is single with no children. She started the Cosmetology program in the fall of 2000 but dropped out after one semester due to conflicts with other students. Instead, she took one semester of General Education courses, but did not persist to obtain her Associates of Arts (AA) degree. For the next several years, Tina was employed in various occupations, most recently as a hospitality hostess at Universal Studios. In the fall of 2005, she returned to the Cosmetology program and currently has a 1.50 GPA, which makes her ineligible for financial aid.
Mary, a nineteen-year-old, single student with no children is originally from San Diego. She moved numerous times during her adolescent years including places in Riverside and Orange County. After graduating from high school, Mary enrolled in Southwestern College in San Diego and took several General Education courses but did not obtain her AA degree. However, she admits that she would like to finish her General Education requirements and obtain a certificate in Business. Mary enrolled in the Cosmetology program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the spring of 2006. Mary is averaging a 3.50 GPA and is on financial aid.
Sheri, a twenty-three-year-old, single student with no children started the Cosmetology program in the spring of 2005. During her adolescence, Sheri commuted between Redondo Beach and Los Angeles during the week and weekends, respectively, to spend time with each of her parents. Before starting this program, she attended El Camino Community College initially to study Child Development but later changed her major to Business Communications. She aspires to complete her AA degree after graduating from Cosmetology in the fall. Mary has a 2.33 GPA and is currently on financial aid.
Christy is a thirty-one-year-old, single student with one child. She started this program in the spring of 2005 and will graduate in the fall of 2006. Before enrolling in the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech, Christy earned a BA degree in Communicative Disorders from California State University, Fullerton and worked as a speech therapist for several years. She decided to switch careers because of her interests in cosmetology and wanting to own her own business in the future. Christy is currently averaging a 3.50 GPA and because she has a BA degree, she is ineligible for financial aid. However, she is in the TANF program at Trade Tech.
Data Collection
The primary method of data collection for this research study was in-depth, open-ended qualitative interviews. According to Fetterman (1988), interviews are considered important data gathering technique because it “explain and put into a larger context what the ethnographer sees and experiences” (p. 37). Before each interview, I employed a demographic questionnaire to each of the participants as a method to obtain information on their background and to better direct the qualitative interviews. Although questionnaires are the most formal and rigid form of exchange, they do provide an excellent method to undertake questions dealing with representativeness (Fetterman, 1998).
As a result of the busy schedules of the participants, the interviews ranged from between thirty minutes to one hour long within a two month time frame. All interviews were held in classrooms located on the research site to ensure a comfortable and open environment for the participants. Further facilitating these interviews, I met with the participants shortly after their classes during the week. During the initial phase of the interview, I asked the participants about how their classes were to develop rapport. In the subsequent phases of the interview, I asked more specific questions to determine their motivation on matriculating through the Cosmetology program, their personal experiences (life histories) and familial backgrounds, and the overall environment of the program and how it affects their motivation to achieve.
All five interviews were recorded on a digital recorder which allowed me to engage in lengthy informal and semistructured interviews and effectively capture long verbatim quotations that are essential to good fieldwork (Fetterman, 1998). However, conducting an interview with a digital recorder did not provide me with the “visual aspects of the situation, neither the setting nor the facial and bodily expressions of the participants” (Kvale, 1996). Instead, I documented the aspects of and pertinent information from the interviews by taking numerous notes with a pen and paper. After these interviews, I contacted the participants through electronic mail and/or via telephone calls to address missing data or questions I had regarding the information they provided during the interviews.
The methodology I used for data analysis consisted of transcribing and coding the qualitative interviews and using a spreadsheet program (MS Excel) to record the information I obtained through the demographic questionnaire. It is important that I transcribed the interviews personally so that I am aware of the many decisions involved in transforming oral speech—an expression close to the human life world, to written texts—an objectively distanced form of thought and expression (Kvale, 1996). After the transcription, I coded the data in order to derive categories which were developed into the three themes discussed in the section below. Coding enabled me to expeditiously locate excerpts from all my interviews that referred to the same theme or concept and then examined them together (Rubin & Rubin, 2005).
The final phase of data analysis was to ensure that my themes were valid through the triangulation of my data. Triangulation is the process of testing one source of information against another to strip away alternative explanations and prove a hypothesis (Fetterman, 1998). As stated above, my interactions with these students were limited due to their busy schedules, thus I was unable to form a focus group to valid my data. Instead, I used two other methods to test the validity of the data: observation and secondary source interviews. During the two month time frame of this study, I observed my participants a total of five times, in thirty-minute increments, which enabled me to make adequate observations on their interactions inside and outside of the classroom (Fetterman, 1998). Lastly, I interviewed my informant, Ms. Smith and a student affairs administrator to provide me with an insider’s view of the program’s overall environment.
This research study on female, African-American vocational students stems from my interests of underrepresented students in higher education. There is very little current literature on the motivation of African-American students in vocational programs which inspired me to partake on this topic for my research study. During my interviews, I found the participants to be very open and willing to share with me their thoughts and experiences. Several of them were especially interested in my research and wanted to know more about it. I believed the fact that I was Chinese-American, and thus not part of the dominant culture, helped me to develop a rapport with my participants.
Findings
Personal Motivation: “Enjoying What I Do”
All five African-American students in this research study were in their third semester of the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. Inquiries about the reasons to pursue a vocational degree in cosmetology indicated a link between genuine personal interest and enrollment into the program. Since all of the participants had previous academic education experiences—with one earning a BA degree, it is not surprising that their motivation to enter into a vocational program was a personal one.
One common denominator for all of the participants was that they started braiding hair during their adolescent years. When I asked Mary what initiated her interests in braiding hair, she stated,
When I was in junior high [school], I had met a friend who knew how to braid, so I started braiding. I started getting into those kinds of things when I was fourteen. I braided for years and years, but now, I don’t really braid too much. But back then, I braided a lot because I really enjoyed doing it.
Their inherent enjoyment in braiding hair was one of the reasons why they decided to pursue a career in cosmetology at Trade Tech.
However, for Kim, Mary, Christy, and Sheri, the road to Trade Tech was preceded with an academic stop at other community colleges where they participated in various areas of study. Inversely, Tina started the Cosmetology program first and after dropping out the following semester, started taking general education courses at Trade Tech. Kim mentioned that she enrolled at Santa Monica City College because she “was more forced into it. People would look at me better if I went to school for something acceptable to society.” Mary added that she went to Southwestern College because “when I first got out of high school, I just wanted to go to college because I didn’t want to just sit around and be lazy.”
After a period of time, each of the participants realized that they were dissatisfied with the life path that they were on. Kim reflected on how she took two semesters off from college to find out who she really was. They wanted to accomplish something with their lives but also wanted to enjoy what they were doing. These two factors motivated them to return to what they loved doing during their youth, braiding hair. Sheri described it this way,
When I started coming [to Trade Tech], I was like, ‘Ooh, I like this feeling.’ Like this feels good. Okay, I can see myself doing this. I’m not a lazy person, so I can stand on my feel for twelve hours. I like doing hair so I’m not going to get tired of it. I know that this is a business and not a playground. So I try to keep that balance and then once I started getting the hang of it, I was like, ‘Yeah, this is really what I wanted to do.’
Tina, who worked as a hospitality hostess at Universal Studios, mentioned that she “didn’t really like the job too much, but I kept it through four or five months. And after that I decided to come back to school because I like doing hair.”
High Aspirations
When I asked the participants about their aspirations after graduating, all of them responded with wanting to become business owners and in one way or another, giving back to their communities. When I asked Tina what she was going to do after she finishes the program, she answered without hesitation, “I want to own my own business. I want to own my own salon. That’s what I really want to do.” Kim, who aspires to be a world renowned cosmetologist, furthered the idea of owning her own business,
One day, I’ll open up my own salon, like a chain of salons. Not just your average Mom and Pop’s salon, but your whole day spa, you know, that has everything. A salon that has more, you know, the best of the best.
Several of the participants also mentioned the desire to come back to Trade Tech as an instructor after gaining practical experiences in the field. Christy acknowledged that within the past six months, she has developed an attraction to pedagogy. “If I’m also educating people about their hair, I might as well educate the people doing their hair. I want to teach and work with the students on what they should know.” Along the same line, Mary wanted to “teach young girls how to be themselves and not having to hide behind the makeup and hairstyles.”
Interpersonal Motivation: “You’re Really, Really Good”
All of the participants discussed how someone in their lives, whether they are a parent, a friend, or a mentor, played an instrumental role in motivating them to enter into the Cosmetology program at Trade Tech. Having these influential individuals does not necessarily weaken the discussion of personal motivation addressed in the previous section. Rather, the interactions between the participants and these individuals affirmed each of the participants’ belief that they can succeed as makeup artists or hairstylists. Furthermore, a number of the participants stated that they needed the encouragement provided by these individuals to achieve their goals..
Two of the participants in the study attributed their enrollment in the program to their parents. Tina explained that because her mother was a college graduate, she expected the same thing for her daughter.
I chose to do cosmetology and my mom really inspired me to come to college so I can have a trade, so I won’t be going from job to job, because nowadays, if you don’t have a degree or a certificate, you can’t get a job since they don’t like people without a degree.
For Sheri, her father’s ultimatum for her to either enroll in school or to find work motivated her into doing both. “My dad really, really, really forced me to focus. So I started working, doing hair to make some extra money and started coming to Trade Tech to learn my trade.”
For other participants, it was not the parents who motivated them, but another family member, a peer, or a mentor who provided the inspiration for the individual to move forward. Mary, who acknowledged her aunt as the person who motivated her to go to Trade Tech stated, “I was staying with my aunt at the time and she told me that I was good at what I do so I should go to school for it. I thought about it like, ‘Well, maybe I can.’.” Christy mentioned how her friend motivated her to enroll in the Cosmetology program by inviting her to a student hairstylist competition.
I went to a hair show to support a friend of mine. I wasn’t in the school yet, but I went because I was thinking about it and I was looking for a school to go to. So I went to this hair show and there was a student competition and the girl that won came from [Trade Tech]. My friend came in second place, but I was like, ‘Oh, yeah, I’m going to Trade Tech now.’
For Kim, a mentor helped her recognize her potential which motivated her to pursue her cosmetology license. “[The mentor] said, ‘You know Kim, you should really think about doing hair and makeup professionally because you’re really good at it. You should really, really think about it.’”
Environmental Motivation: “Learning to Built a Thick Skin”
The participants also addressed how the environment within the Cosmetology program helped motivate them to focus on achieving their goals. All of them mentioned the positive influences the program’s instructors had on their ability to learn. This is especially crucial because every participant I interviewed mentioned that at one point during their matriculation, they had considered dropping out of the program due to the difficulties enveloping the program. One student affairs administrator disclosed to me that fights and arguments between female students are constant problems in the program. However, through all the problems in the program, some of the participants were able to utilize it as motivation to succeed.
According to all the participants, the instructors in the Cosmetology program are not only a resource for learning the trade, but also a source of support. They genuinely feel that the instructors care about them and thus, go out of the way to help them succeed. Mary explained to me how she was able to approach one instructor with a problem she had.
The teachers are very supportive. They’ll help you with anything and everything. Like there’s a hair show that’s coming up and we’re going to be in it. But it’s only going to be me and another student but we couldn’t afford to go. We went to Ms. Smith and told her about it and she’s like, ‘Okay, we’re going to see how to raise some money for you guys to get on a plane and get the rooms.’ Just stuff like that.
Kim was about to drop out of the program when an instructor sat her down and told her, “You know this is just an obstacle. If you go through life quitting, you’re not going to get anywhere just because somebody made you upset. You have to build a thick skin.” The participants agreed that although the instructors are tough, they realized that this was a reason why they are such great teachers.
The negative environment surrounding the program enabled some of the participants to gain motivation toward achieving their goals. Sheri described how many of the female students in the program act like the world is against them, but for her, she remains positive because her goal is to attain her license. “Everything is going to be a task. Nothing is going to fall into your hands. But I was blessed with a talent so I’m going to use that to better myself and that’s kind of my motivation here.” Christy stressed a more pervasive problem regarding the program and how she is able to deal with it.
There is a big gang influence here and it’s so easy to get caught up in some mess and that can get you kicked out. I know people who have gotten, you know, kicked out even before I came here because of some silliness. So maybe it’s the maturity level amongst the students, maybe it’s the gang thing, but that part of it can be a bit irritating and I would rather go sit in my corner somewhere and do what I’ve got to do instead of, you know, worrying about what other people are doing.
The ability of the participants to overcome the distractions of the Cosmetology program enabled them to better motivate themselves to attain success.
Analysis
The findings in the previous section suggested that these female, African-American vocational students were motivated by: 1) their interests in and enjoyment from studying cosmetology, 2) the encouragement provided by someone close to them, and 3) the support from instructors and the difficult environment surrounding the program—not by state regulations (TANF) or by money from financial aid. In fact, the two participants who are currently on financial aid admitted to spending the money on supplies and textbooks. Tina lamented the fact that a set of textbooks she needs next semester will cost her over three hundred dollars. “All our supplies are different. Cosmetology is an expensive trade to pick up. And financial aid, they give us that money, and I go out and I’d buy everything.” Christy, who is currently in the TANF program, is disappointed that she has to meet its requirements when she is “just choosing to be a student and get [her] license to work in a different field.” Thus, for my participants, their motivation to achieve was influenced by personal, interpersonal, and environmental factors.
The notion that the participants are solely motivated to obtain a cosmetology license in hopes of gaining employment is questionable. Many of them have plans to return to school for a business degree so that one day, they can own their own businesses. Sheri stated that, “when I own my business, I can pass it down to my family. So not only am I providing myself with a future, but I’m setting up a future for my children and their children.” For Kim, the goal of traveling around the world as a renowned makeup and hair stylist is not far away as she recently won first prize in a competition sponsored by an industry leader. It is apparent that the participants have set high aspirations for themselves and see the Cosmetology program as a stepping stone towards achieving them.
The experiences of the participants confirmed the concepts that were cited in the literature review. For instance, when the participants described how they started braiding hair as an adolescent, they attributed positive feedback from others as a source of motivation to enter into the field. This is congruent with Seifert (2004) assertion that the increase of self-worthiness leads to the increase in motivation to perform. Harris (1970) asserted that African-American students are more likely to attend college based on personal influences, which is confirmed by the participants’ accounts of family members, peers, and mentors encouraging them to enter into the Cosmetology program.
The four regulations of extrinsic motivation based on the Self-Determination Theory proposed by Deci and Ryan (2000a) are also confirmed by the study’s findings. Participants who attended community colleges before entering into their current vocational program experienced the introjection level of extrinsic motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2000a), which depicts the concept of performing a task (going to college) in order to enhance or maintain self-esteem and worthiness. Given that introjection is a semiautonomous level of extrinsic motivation, it is not surprising that all of them dropped out and turned to cosmetology as a career. Once the participants entered into the field they enjoyed, they entered into the integration level of extrinsic motivation (Deci & Ryan, 2000a), which denotes that the task has fully integrated onto the self.
Conclusion
This study explored the motivation of female, African-American students in the Cosmetology program at Los Angeles Trade Technical College. I sought to learn what factors motivated these students to enter into vocational education. Were these students mandated by state policy (TANF) to acquire the necessary skills to enter the workforce? Did they enter the vocational program because the wanted the money from financial aid? Or was it that they were genuinely motivated to succeed in their field of study? Findings showed that these students were motivated by personal, interpersonal, and environmental factors to achieve their goals. The motivation to achieve success in cosmetology developed from integrating the task to the self (Desi & Ryan, 2000a), or simply put, they enjoyed their field of study and see it as a stepping stone to success. Along the way to achieving this success, they were influenced by family members, peers, and/or mentors who encouraged them to enter into the field. Lastly, the support of their instructors and the difficulties surrounding the program increased their motivation to accomplish their goals.
Two policy implications were derived from the findings and data analysis sections of this study. One, more funding is needed for students who struggle to acquire the necessary supplies and textbooks needed for their classes. Even with assistance from financial aid, a number of participants bemoaned the fact that it is not enough to cover all of the materials needed for the entire program. Two, outreach programs are needed to encourage more male students to enroll in the Cosmetology program. Too often, altercations between female students cast the program in a bad light. A diversified program would lessen the tension between female students and provide a great environment that is conducive to learning.
There were certain limitations to this study such as the small sample size (five participants) and the short time frame allotted for its completion. The experiences of the five students who participated in this study can not wholly depict the experiences of every female, African-American Cosmetology student matriculating at American community colleges. Instead, the experiences portrayed in this study provide a crucial first step to learning what motivates students in vocational program. Furthermore, I would recommend doing a longitudinal ethnographic study on female, African-American vocational students from their first semester in the program to their placement within the workforce. This would make a good study because it would allow researchers to explore the relationship between student motivation and student achievement outcomes.
